Today it is nearly eight months since the departure of the Syrian forces from Lebanon, but the repressive, undemocratic, unconstitutional and thoroughly corrupt Lebanese regime/political establishment they left behind is still strongly entrenched in place. For the sake of brevity, and as the regime and the political establishment have always been nearly one and the same, we will simply call them together: the regime.

The reason is that, in truth, the Syrians did not make or invent this regime, nor was the Lebanese regime made by other occupying forces that preceded them. The regime was simply there when the Syrians came, and it was still there when they went. Never mind some insignificant change in faces.

When, on August 31, 1920, a French General decreed the modern political entity that now constitutes Lebanon by annexing to the former territory of the Semi-autonomous Ottoman Sunjuk of Northern Mount Lebanon, which had been formerly under what is known as the Mutasarrifiah statute, the Welayat of Beirut (which then also covered the Qazas of Sidon, Sour and Marjioun), the Welayat of Tripoli (which then also included the Qaza of Akkar), and the Qazas of Bikaa, Baalback, Hasbia, and Rachia (which had been part of the Welayat of Damascus), the regime that existed under the Ottomans in the former Mutasarrifiah promptly re-adjusted itself. It was soon to dominate the new Grand Lebanon that was proclaimed by the same French General on the following day, September 1, 1920, flanked by the Maronite Patriarch and the Sunni Muslim Mufti of Beirut. Only a few weeks earlier the regime had, equally promptly, adjusted to the forces of the Arab Revolution under Prince Faysal who had established the headquarters of his government in Damascus and raised the Arab flag in place of the Ottoman flag. Before that they were fully and happily adjusted to the Ottoman government. Now it was the French flag that they raised and soon the Arab Prince was to be evicted from Damascus by the French forces under the same general.

With the support of the British forces, that had evicted the Vichy French forces in 1941, Lebanon’s independence was declared on November 22, 1943, and soon the French forces of General De Gaul and their allied forces under British command left Lebanon on December 31, 1946. But the regime remained, with very few changes in faces.

In less than five months thereafter the proclaimed “fathers of independence” organized and openly rigged the general elections of May, 1947. Following the land slide 'success' of the regime in those elections, President Beshara el Khouri easily organized a constitutional amendment to give him an unconstitutional second term in office. Khouri did not finish his second term and resigned under popular pressure widely believed to have been organized by British agents. From there on, and nevertheless, every president had a hidden agenda of extending his term in office.

The American marines landed in Beirut in 1958 to end a political revolution supported by Syrian elite forces that secretly entered Beirut by orders of President Nasser of the United Arab Republic. Soon the Syrians and Americans were gone after achieving their respective missions, but the regime survived intact under the new slogan of “No victors, no vanquished”.

In the late sixties and early seventies Palestinian organizations built up their military forces under the nose of the Government and their occupation of Lebanese territory in Beirut and the South was soon sanctioned under the infamous “Cairo Agreement”. But, in truth, what enabled the Palestinians to entrench themselves as a military power in Lebanon was the alliance that they entered into with the Lebanese regime (built on corruption and very generous subsidies from the Arafat treasury) at the expense of the Lebanese Republic. The PLO forces under Arafat were evicted from Beirut in 1982, with many leaders of the regime bidding them an emotional farewell. But the Regime survived intact.

The Israeli army made several incursions into Lebanon in retaliation for Palestinian attacks from Lebanese territory. In June, 1982, it invaded Lebanon in strength with open welcome from elements of the regime. Soon, two presidents were elected under Israeli occupation, the Gemayel brothers. After a long occupation, the Israelis were finally out in May 2000. But the regime continued with friends of Israel, friends of the Palestinians, friends of Syria, and the friends of numerous other powers, working hand in hand.

The Israeli invasion precipitated the establishment of a multi-national force consisting of military forces from several Western nations including the USA, Britain and France. Those forces did not last long after the costly suicide bomber attacks on the American and French barracks, and they left the country in 1984. But the regime survived.

In 1976 the Syrian army was asked to enter the country to leash the Palestinians and help re-establish law and order. In October, 1990, the Syrian army was given the green light to take Baabda and the territories under the control of General Aoun. The Lebanese regime adapted comfortably to Syrian hegemony. During the period from 1976 to 1990 the Syrians were in and out of Beirut.

It is now nearly eight months since the latest departure of the Syrian forces from Beirut, and the rest of the republic’s territory but the repressive, undemocratic, unconstitutional and thouroughly corrupt regime they left behind is still strongly entrenched in place. The tools of repression remain in place. The press and the media remain firmly under management. There is no improvement in civil liberties and human rights. The comprehensive corruption remains unchanged.

In short, little if anything has changed. The regime remains very sick, but it appears to have a strong body that is is not dying. It is foolish to think that the regime can lead the country out of the troubles caused by the regime. It is childish to think that this regime will rid Lebanon of the regime. It is illogical to think that the wombs of demons can give birth to angels. For the Republic to recover and survive, for the elimination of the likelihood of future occupation by foreign military forces, whatever their identity is, and for giving the Lebanese people a real opportunity to define their destiny as free and proud citizens, and not as subjugated subjects, under the rule of law and such effective safeguards for democracy and human rights that only the full respect for the Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights can provide, this regime must go, lock stock and barrel, with no exceptions made.

Editor’s note: This page does not provide regular editorials because, in Lebanon, things change little, and most editorials written many years ago remain equally relevant and valid today.